Notes on the Front

Commentary on Irish Political Economy by Michael Taft, researcher for SIPTU

February 25th Morning: The Recession Diaries

Recession 128 They’re really bringing out the big guns. And they don’t come much bigger than Peter Sutherland – former Attorney General, European Commissioner and Director General of GATT. Already, the media are quoting his Irish Times article in interviews with all and sundry – as if he were some Old Ireland prophet descending the mountain top with tablets of reform. He commands the Government to revise its fiscal strategy to avert disaster. Couldn’t disagree. Except: if we bow down before his commandments, not only will we never find the promised land, we will be stuck in the desert for years to come.

Peter starts out fair enough – saying we have three intertwined crisis: economic, banking and fiscal. But then he employs a sleight-of-hand:

‘While the economic and banking crises are very troubling, these problems are shared to varying degrees by many countries across Europe . . . In addition, the scope of the banking crisis is by now well understood, with an emerging consensus on the scale of potential losses. And the Government’s strategy for handling the banking crisis is well-advanced, even if it is still to evolve in the coming months.’

Do you see it? He manages to glide over the economic and banking crisis. Except:

  1. We don’t have an understanding of the ‘scope’ of the banking crisis and there is no consensus on the scale of potential losses (€10 billion? €30 billion? €50 billion?). And whether the Government’s strategy is ‘well-advanced’ or ‘evolving’ it is still a disaster, ignoring the reality that most observers accept: the game is up, recapitalisation is a total waste of money, and nationalisation is coming. The only debate is when.

  2. Our economic crisis is in a league of its own. The EU Commission predicts the average growth rate in Eurozone countries for 2009 will be -1 percent. Ireland’s is estimated at -5 percent. That’s five times worse than the average. The only EU country in a worse state is poor Latvia – now occupied by the IMF

But Peter is only interested in the fiscal crisis, as if this caused the economic and banking meltdown.

‘Rather, the key differentiating factor . . . is the sustainability of the public finances. Ireland’s projected 2009 deficit of 11 per cent of GDP far exceeds the next highest in this group (Spain at 6.2 per cent). Its projected 2010 deficit of 13 per cent is more than twice the next highest (Spain). This has created a terrible crisis for Ireland.’

Well, if being twice the next worst is a ‘key differentiating factor’ I would have thought being five times as bad (as in the declining growth rate) would merit some consideration. But there you are.

Next we are treated to a perplexing set of comparative tax and expenditure facts with Spain which leads Peter to rail:

‘While much attention has focused on the decline in tax revenues, this is comparatively minor relative to the sharp growth in the ratio of public spending to GDP.’

He claims government spending (using EU gross figures from the EU so they don’t readily tally with net Exchequer spending) has increased from 36 percent to an estimated 45 percent of GDP. Well, that’s hardly surprising.

Between 2008 and 2010, the EU Commission estimates that unemployment in the other Eurozone countries will increase by 2 percent; in Ireland its estimate to grow by 4.2 percent –more than twice as fast. And the Commission is being kind: it estimates Irish unemployment to be 10.2 percent by 2010. We now know it will be much higher with some commentators suggesting it will be closer to 15 percent.

So, it’s not that we are being spendthrifts. Our spending percentage growth is an outcome of (a) a huge rise in unemployment and, so, unemployment and related expenditure, and (b) a falling GDP. With both unemployment and economic decline accelerating faster than the Eurozone average, it’s no wonder we are in a league of our own.

On his way, Peter plays fast with some figures to frighten the natives. He states that

‘. . . the very large Government deficits mean the ratio of debt to GDP is set to grow quickly . . to 68.2 per cent by the end of 2010.’

Frightened? Don’t be. We would still be well below the Eurozone average (over 11 percent below). And Peter conveniently leaves out an inconvenient (for his argument) fact. The EU Commission calculates the ‘gross debt’. However, Ireland has €20 billion cash in hand thanks to the National Treasury Management Agency’s foresight in ‘pre-borrowing’. We also have €15 billion in the Pension Reserve Fund. Combine those assets, and our net overall debt comes down to under 50 percent of GDP – far, far below the Eurozone average.

This is not to underestimate our annual deficit. But from many commentators we not getting economic prescriptions; rather we are getting economics dressed up as accountancy.  And when we are presented with ‘facts’ that don’t tell the full story – we are in danger of running around the desert in search of false manna. And that’s what Peter would have us do:

‘ . . . it is imperative the Government revises its fiscal strategy within a very short time horizon . . . this must include a significant increase in the tax burden . . (it) also requires that the Government move more aggressively to curb public spending. While the focus has been on current spending . . . it is also time to suspend many of the larger-ticket items in the public capital programme. The priority must be to improve the financial position of the State – those public capital projects that promise high benefit/cost ratios can be restarted once fiscal stability has been restored . . . ‘

Good grief. The economy is starved of capital, of money and Peter wants to starve it even more:

  • More taxation, to suppress spending even further, resulting in more job losses in our domestic-demand dependent sectors such as retail

  • More current spending cuts, hobbling the only sector of the economy capable of increasing its consumption and, so, economic activity

  • And here’s coup-de-grace: cut capital spending: suspend job creation, allow our infrastructure to degrade further so that when we come out of this thing we will be even further behind advanced industrialised economies.

How in god’s green acre is this going to revitalise the economy? Peter saves his best howler for last:

‘ . . . domestic consumption is more likely to be boosted by increased confidence in fiscal stability than by the current situation.’

Can you imagine the conversations around the dinner tables of the nation?

‘I’ve got some great news, dear.’

‘What? You find a job? Rich ol’ Aunt Assumpta pop it? Junior quitting school to work the mines?'

‘No. I’ve been studying the Government’s fiscal consolidation projections and we’re realigning government expenditure with pre-decline trends and this will improve our bond yields by a clear 50 base points.’

‘That’s great! Let’s go out and buy that furniture suite we’ve needed since we broke up our old one for fuel.’

It gets that absurd.

Why do we bring these museum pieces out of basement storage to pontificate on our troubled times? Peter Sutherland served for three years in a Cabinet that managed to savage the economy through similar deflationary policies and a singular inability to understand how you grow an economy. Now he’s determined to see those marvellous policies revived.

Like the old Ireland prophet – now out of time – Peter should stay on the mountain top, above the clouds, in the thin air; and leave us lesser mortals to sort out the real problems of the real economy.

8 responses to “February 25th Morning: The Recession Diaries”

  1. Libero Avatar

    Yup, the piece was that bad. And it’s distressing that it’s being fawned over as the most smoothly-written exposition of the new mantra: deflate to recovery.
    But the opinion piece lacks any real rigour or evidence to support its key assumption: that the deflationary effects of fiscal contraction will be outweighed by the increase in confidence that comes from stabilisation.
    Your “suite of furniture” analogy was apt but imagine something even more absurd: a young executive called in to give a presentation to the board of, say, BP or Goldman Sachs, and choosing to build his case (involving the entire strategic direction of the company) on a completely unsupported assumption. Where the young man or woman does not even reference a study or comparable situation by way of supporting evidence.
    I also find something equally absurd in the sight of a politically astute and respected figure imploring the government to carry out actions that it clearly has neither a mandate or support to achieve.

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  2. liam Avatar

    “Our economic crisis is in a league of its own. The EU Commission predicts the average growth rate in Eurozone countries for 2009 will be -1 percent. Ireland’s is estimated at -5 percent. That’s five times worse than the average. The only EU country in a worse state is poor Latvia – now occupied by the IMF”
    Well, I disagree thoroughly with that statement. What makes this situation so incredibly interesting (from a purely intellectual point of view)
    is that this moment we’re in is a complete game changer. Economies you’d expect to survive a severe recession with ease are being hamstrung. Everyone here thinks that Ireland is in the worst situation, but really it’s just a matter of wait and see. Austria is in hock to a collapsing eastern europe, their finance minister has said a 10% default would be enough to declare the countries insolvency. Germany’s exports are collapsing. If I remember right they had an annualised drop of 4.8% of GDP in Q4 08, which is worse than ours, and that’s not to forget their exposure to bad debts in the banking system (wait for it). Meanwhile Japans exports have fallen an incredible 47%!!! Even the Swiss are in trouble!
    Yet everyone is screaming about how we’re so special. We’re not, we’re just early!
    Seriously, we are in one of those moments. Everything is going to be different afterwards. Take the auto industry. It won’t be fossil fuel based car manufacturers that will be the exporting powerhouses of the future. I’d bet on that. Likewise energy.
    I really do think this is the time to invest, and stop panicking. Raise taxes on unproductive wealth, raise taxes on high income. Lower consumption is coming anyway, surplus income is being saved. But instead of balancing the books, invest hard, turn consumption into investment. Run a deficit, but one based on rampant investment. Build a new, “knowledge based economy”
    My tuppence worth anyway

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  3. Paul O'Mahony (Cork, Ireland) Avatar

    Thank you for that detailed analysis. We have need of people like you to speak out and challenge those who’ve already had their chance.
    The Irish Times wants to sell newspapers. Full stop. It is not in the business of subjecting misleading ideas to scrutiny.
    Have you ever contributed on David McWilliams Blog?

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  4. Yvonne Avatar

    Ought we read the rolling out of the big guns as evidence of a panic?

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  5. Michael Taft Avatar

    Liam, I agree with what you say. I would only point out that my reference to Ireland being in a league of its own was in the context of Sutherland’s gliding over the economic crisis to narrowly obsess on the budget deficit. I fully take your point that other economies are teetering – especially among the New Member States (this piece is particularly worrying – http://www.finfacts.ie/irishfinancenews/article_1016046.shtml ). I suspect we will hear further worrying news from Austria, as you pointed out (their problem largely stemming from domestic banks investing in New Member State banks which are now in deep trouble) the UK and other states.
    However, I’d like to make two points – and get your thoughts on it. First, I suspect (but I certainly won’t predict) that social market / Nordic model economies will make a better fist of dealing with the recession than others. This is due to the myriad of interventionist instruments that they possess in addition to a greater willingness to employ state resources. That doesn’t mean they won’t get hit. But they might be able to remain standing in better condition.
    Secondly, you’re phrase ‘game-changer’ is particularly inspired. I get a sinking feeling that the debate here is being reduced to a type of managerialism. Parties are competing over who can ‘spread the burden’ more equitably and, once that burden is spread, we can look forward to going back to normal if only international conditions pick up. That, to my mind, is wrong. There is no ‘normal’ to go back to – and this spreads beyond just regulating banks or restoring our competitiveness or even investing a bit more into renewable energy. This ‘game-changer’ as you rightly put it, will affect radically change the way we did things BR (Before Recession) to the point that it will be unrecognisable. That is, if we want to have a flourishing society. If we try to go back to the old ways, we are in deep, deep trouble. I will try to get a post together soon – to explore what will change, change utterly.
    Thanks, Paul, for the kind comment. I know that David has a website and receives a lot of contributions on foot of the articles he puts up (articles that are usually printed in the mainstream media). I have added my odd bit over the last couple of years. Does he have a blog separate to this website?
    Yvonne, I would dearly love (dearly, dearly) to think that the big guns are sign of panic. However, when one considers that deluge of similar articles (remember that week of opinion pieces in the Irish Times) my fear is that this is one more turn of the screw – a debate which the Left has yet to make a serious analytical impact. Though things are looking a bit up with the launch of http://www.progressive-economy.ie
    We can still turn this thing around if we work hard, think clearly and not be afraid of the logical conclusions of our argument(such as Liam’s last paragraph in his comment above – which should be sent to every progressive politician in the country).
    And, yes Liberio, there are absurdities wrapped in absurdities. And we pay the price.

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  6. CMK Avatar

    Michael, I agree with you that Liam’s ‘game changer’ idea is most appropriate. I also think that such insights are the only way to move beyond the current crisis and begin to build a fairer more sustainable society and economy.
    Alas, Ireland is a particularly harsh place for any kind of advanced thought such as yours and Liam’s – any cursory look at the Irish media coverage of the crisis will confirm this. My intuition, and that’s all it is, tells me that the dominant right-wing consensus will drag us over the abyss long before any progressive measures are even considered. We are indeed in ‘game changing’ territory but the game may be changed to something exceptionally vicious. The hostility, whether implicit or explicit, of mainstream commentators to the very notion of secure, well-paid, pensionable employment is indicative that, to paraphrase you, AR (After Recession) the right would like to see a far more docile and, if possible, defeated work force dying to work for subsistence wages – and that includes the public sector. Interesting times. But I don’t share your admirable optimism that things may change for the better. The economic viciousness that animates “official Ireland” may well win a decisive victory – they’re half way there if you consider the toxic infighting between public and private sector workers.

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  7. liam Avatar

    Michael, CMK,
    I’m not in the pessimist camp, because to be honest, I don’t think they’ll have a choice. I’ve seen the logical consequence of neo-liberal policies, South American style, and if they think people will accept that here they’ve got another thing coming. That way lies authoritarianism! I also think that one shouldn’t confuse media generated warfare with real public opinion. Ireland is still a pretty cohesive place, and those thousands of public servants have families that work in the private sector and visa versa.
    Another reason for my not being in the pessimist camp, (don’t confuse that with optimism please), is that if you look at what happened as a consequence of the great depression – ignoring of course WWII, hic – is that inequality plummeted, for both balance sheets and income. I genuinely believe that inequality creates immense economic instability and must be considered a leading cause of this crisis, and that there will be no emergence from this crisis until that has been addressed. In fact, I would go so far as to suggest, this is the pre-eminent South American problem! A singular failure to redistribute.
    If I can refer back to a comment I made a few months back on another thread, I wrote about an ecological model, the r – k continuum, which related to succession. To rehash in a short manner, ‘r’ referred to a fast and loose strategy: high growth, low investment, rapid and abundant reproduction, wide dispersal, high resource requirement, quick death when a disruptive event occurs – in a nutshell, the ecological equivalent of neoliberalism. ‘k’ as you can imagine is the opposite, and most typically is characterised by adaptive strategies and high investment, slower growth but longer life, considered reproduction, efficient resource usage, stability, etc. You can probably see where I’m going. The Nordic countries are the exemplars of the ‘k’ economic strategy. In our current environment you want to be a ‘k’ strategist. It doesn’t guarantee anything, but sure as hell raises your odds.
    And this is pertinent. If the market is a system for allocating resources in anything more than theory, it cannot tolerate rampant inequality or hollow growth strategies in perpetuity without collapse – deleveraging can be seen in this context. It requires productive investment, slow yielding but evolutionarily valuable investment and an efficient distribution of resources. It requires a playing field that is at the least being consistently levelled if an economy is to move past boom and bust monocultural growth industries and an endemic lack of diversity. Although I don’t think I can lay claim to the phrase, this is in part what I mean by game changer. This is a successional moment. Modern economies require progressive societies, if for no other reason than to deal with occasions such as this one. Evolutionary change requires diversity, the decentralisation of resources, and both production and consumption. It’s not about incentives, but imperatives.
    What countries have to decide is how to move in this direction – either by choice, or by torture.
    Anyway, enough said. I look forward to your next post.

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Commentary on Irish Political Economy by Michael Taft, researcher for SIPTU