Notes on the Front

Commentary on Irish Political Economy by Michael Taft, researcher for SIPTU

January 27th Morning: The Recession Diaries

Recession 113 It really is surreal.  Hundreds of jobs are going in the banking sector, Retail Excellence Ireland warns that 25,000 jobs could be lost in the first quarter.  The economy is turning in on itself.  And the Government is obsessing over public expenditure cuts.  People are demanding to know what can be done to protect their livelihoods and Fianna Fail Ministers debate cutting the Carers' Allowance.  It's all worthy of a Dali painting.

It's against this backdrop that the Irish Times proceeds with it's 'What is to be Done' series is on the economy.  First up is John Fitzgerald of the ESRI.  He rightly claims that

'What Ireland needs now is a strategy for digging ourselves out of our current hole and restoring normal growth.'

In many senses, however, Fitzgerald doesn’t offer solutions. Rather he outlines options. For instance, he rightly declares that restoring ‘order to the domestic banking system’ is a primary task for the Government. But he is content to outline the options: recapitalisation or further nationalisations. However, his ordering of choices suggest the direction we should head in.

Cut the Public Sector Pay bill: we can choose between cutting public sector pay and/or making public sector workers redundant. Whichever, cut we must.

Cut the Social Welfare Bill: Eerily, Fitzgerald opens up the possibility of cutting social welfare, claiming that recipients are getting a 'dramatic' boost in real incomes owing to the decline in the Consumer Price Index. We are, of course, talking about the lowest income groups in the country – the unemployed, pensioners, the disabled, lone parents, etc. We are also forgetting that in the last year these groups suffered disproportionately from rising food costs, thus reducing their real income by a higher amount than other groups. No matter – consider the cut.

Cut Capital Investment: this could be done by either postponing projects which ‘wouldn’t have a major impact on the economy’s productive potential’ or by pocketing the savings arising from the fall in the cost land and building. Another, more profitable course would be use the savings to reinvest into more capital projects – lord knows, with our infrastructure ranking 64th in the world, we need a lot of upgrading. Good for productivity, good for job creation, good for growth. But Fitzgerald is first and foremost viewing these options through the lens of fiscal retrenchment. So cut.

Cut the Minimum Wage: In keeping with his earlier calls for cuts in private sector wages, Fitzgerald suggests more cautiously: ‘Possible obstacles to preserving jobs arising from the minimum wage may be considered.’ In other words, an invitation to cut.

Beyond the cuts, Fitzgerald looks forward to tax increases ‘beginning with the possible recovery of the economy some time in 2010’. He puts forward a number of options:

  • Cut personal tax credits to lower the threshold at which people begin paying taxes Increasing the top rate of tax
  • Abolish the PRSI upper threshold
  • Abolish tax expenditures
  • Introduce carbon tax 
  • Introduce a property tax

Now all of these are worthy of serious debate, especially as there is no doubting that following the recession, the tax base will have to be bolstered. Worryingly, though, Fitzgerald doesn’t suggest these tax increases will go into improved public services or sustained job creation measures to re-employ those made jobless during the recession.

‘. . . Government will have to choose between further cuts in employment and public services or raising taxes’.

So we will have to slash the public realm upfront and, when the recovery starts, we will have to increase taxes or cut even further. Tax increases will have to be instituted to merely maintain an already degraded level of public services. Hope postponed.

Let’s be clear: John Fitzgerald has never been part of the neo-liberal brigade. Though writing in a personal capacity, he comes with the gravitas of the ESRI in tow. His article shows how much the traditional centre ground has shifted. All we are offered is a buffet of cuts topped off with a desert of tax increases. None of this is mediated by any public intervention being considered and pursued in Washington D.C, London, Berlin and Canberra. Indeed, Fitzgerald positively rejects these routes.

'For Ireland it is vital that action is taken to boost the euro economy to complement that being taken in the US. Some debate has taken place on whether a fiscal stimulus would be appropriate in Ireland. However, the crisis in the Irish public finances means that it is not feasible or desirable to do so.'

The strategies pursued by a number of other countries – from Obama’s $800 billion stimulus to Germany’s €50 billion – are dismissed out of hand, without any discussion. Indeed, this is becoming a standard claim among many commentators: (a) we need action to boost the economy; however (b) we can’t take such action ourselves; besides, (c) we wouldn’t want to do it anyway; but (d) we need action to boost the economy.

Ultimately, Fitzgerald doesn’t present any options to boost the economy. We must wait on the kindness of strangers. In the meantime we must make the same mistake as Fianna Fail governments did in the early part of the decade – pursue pro-cyclical strategies: cut, cut and when that is exhausted, tax. Instead of ‘digging ourselves out of the hole’ we are digging ourselves ever deeper.

It almost makes you want to take up painting.

6 responses to “January 27th Morning: The Recession Diaries”

  1. Fergus O'Rourke Avatar

    Michael,
    I am a bit behind in my reading,but I haven’t seen much evidence in your posts that you are taking on board the difference between a small open economy like Ireland and a relatively closed one such as the U.S..
    Even the UK, which is fairly open, is in a better position – and not for fiscal reasons alone – when it comes to the efficacy of a Keynesian stimulus.

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  2. Jer Avatar

    Michael, I am very sympathetic to this analysis but – Are not cuts now expected by the markets who want to see this part of Ireland demonstrating control over finances before they will ease up on the cost of our borrowing.
    There is a point surely where that must weigh in.
    Also I saw how Irish consumer spending dropped hard (maybe 14%) end last year and that it pointed to increased saving rates. Are maintained wages going to be spent or are consumers going to build up their savings?
    Does that suggest wage cuts would not be defationary if the govt. did push a capital investment programme. I agree that the govt needs to get some money and demand circulating but can it do this with high borrowing costs.

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  3. Michael Taft Avatar

    Fergus, admittedly I have only touched upon this subject only in passing. I have been busy fighting the wage-cutters, spending-cutters, general tax-raisers with ol’ fashioned counter-cyclical weapons. As to the problems of posed by a small open economy, I would neither over-play or under-play these issues. Unfortunately, we don’t appear to have many economists working these and related-fields, so we have to accumulate the information in, at times, an unsystematic manner.
    For instance, the call for a fiscal stimulus is usually met with the rejoinder that we’d only be spending it on imports – essentially sending the money out for others’ benefit. But the data isn’t as straight-forward. Between 2000 and 2007 personal consumption rose by €40 billion (nominally). However, imports of consumption goods ready for use rose by €5 billion. The data suggests that a large amount of our expenditure went on personal services (from health to hairdressers to education). This has a considerable domestic impact. Even importing goods for direct sale or use in production has a domestic impact: they have to be unloaded, transported, warehoused and wholesaled and sold in shops that employ thousands of people. Another huge component of imports goes to our exporting sector which then sales the finished product abroad. I have been searching around for studies on the domestic job-content of imports or the degree to which increases in consumer expenditure impact beneficially on home production.
    This is just one component of a larger picture. For instance, would a huge shift to public tranport reduce imports such as fuel and provide job increases at home? To some extent yes, but to what extent?. Even that old standby – infratructural investment; how much would government money go on imports to provide the raw materials for such initiatives? Do we have such data? And if we did, do we have a government that could implement a ‘smart’ stimulus?
    I will endeavour to pay more attention to this issue in the future as you are right to point out the problem of ‘leakage’ if we try to do something ourselves in this small home market.
    Jer, you have touched upon an important issue, namely the impact of wage maintenance on demand. That’s why I have argued strongly – both from an equity and economic efficiency standpoint – that we should skewer wage deals, tax reform, income support measures, etc. towards low/average income groups who have a higher propensity to spend. For instance, I’m dubious about the effects, fiscal or otherwise, of freezing public sector wages. However, given that we have one of the highest wage inequality regimes and we need money to be spent, I can’t see the rationale for providing a high-paid public sector worker the same percentage increase as a low/average paid one.
    I am not going to get dogmatic about the role of wages in recovery (though I accept that sometimes I come across a bit like that on the subject). Were the Government seriously proposing that a portion of wages, equitably distributed, be diverted into, say, a national childcare network with subsidised childcare places (thus lowering costs to working parents and, so, lowering upward wage pressures); or a national primary health care network which would provide comprehensive community health care services for free for everyone (or for 75% of the population at first, which again would reduce people’s living costs and, so, make up the wage difference – that is something seriously worth considering. Job creation, cost reduction, service expansion – just what we need in a recession.
    However, we don’t get that from the Government or the ‘leading experts’ so far appearing in the Irish Times. And we would still have to deal with the thousands of job losses in the retail sector that is coming up – how do we protet those jobs?
    It’s all a difficult call and I suspect that ‘the market’ is just as interested in seeing how the Government deals with this situation. If a practical stimulus programme were offered, the ‘markets’ might be impressed. After all, investors are not ideologues – they just want to know they’ll get a retun on their investment. The problem now is that we are in a deep, deep hole and when we look we don’t see any light – it just rains on our faces.

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  4. Jer Avatar

    Muchas gracias

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  5. PatDonnelly Avatar
    PatDonnelly

    Well said! Must read yr blog more often. Morgan Kelly seems to think that the government are acting out of other than national interest though in their protection of all of Anglo creditors…. If he is right, what then for all your logical, sensible observations?

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  6. Tomaltach Avatar

    Michael,
    The argument the government and many economic commentators such as Alan Ahearne are making is that our public finances are not just bad, but are in a catastrophic state of collapse. We hear figures such as revenue from taxes back to 2004 levels while public spending since then increased by a compounded 40%. Our that we will take in about 40 billion in tax this year but require about 55-66 billion. All this while the economic bottom is nowhere in sight. They then argue that as a result of this terrible shortfall in finances and massive jump in borrowing requirement that, given the state of international financial markets, the government is already paying a high price for borrowing and that they may face a situation where borrowing of the level now needed becomes exhorbidant or even impossible. This is the picture being painted. If this is true or close to true, then I fully agree with the government plan to focus on a sharp corrective path for the public finances. Again, I stress, I am not not a fiscal conservative and I do not for example insist on balanced budgets. But if failing to correct the finances now may mean utter collapse and a catastrophe for the country, then I am behind it.

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Commentary on Irish Political Economy by Michael Taft, researcher for SIPTU