Notes on the Front

Commentary on Irish Political Economy by Michael Taft, researcher for SIPTU

Would You Want His Job?

Gilmore ‘Labour’s going soft on drugs!’ ‘Labour to expel trade unions!’ ‘Labour says, yeah, what the hell, we just might join up with Fine Gael again.’ Would you want Eamon Gilmore’s job? The coverage following the Labour Party conference was one more example of the media determining what the news is and then covering the very news they determine.  While Labour might be feeling a bit hard done by, the real victim is intelligent political analysis which is so lacking in large parts of the mainstream media.

It started on RTE’s Week in Politics – or rather it started it up where it left off during the election debate. Think what you will about the Mullingar Accord, Pat Rabbitte could not have made it clearer – Labour was committed to Fine Gael come hell and high water. He did and said everything to make clear that commitment – joint policy documents, joint media presentations, joint everything. If anyone was in any doubt about Labour’s commitment, it had nothing to do with Labour’s conduct.

That didn’t stop the media hounding the Labour leader at every turn – ‘will you go in with Fianna Fail?’, ‘are you ruling out Fianna Fail’. Of course, the media never hounded the Greens who actually did prove to be truly equivocal about which coalition they joined. It never asked Enda Kenny if he would join with Fianna Fail if the Dail was so fragmented that it would have been the only viable government. It didn’t ask Bertie Ahern if he’d accept Fine Gael in such circumstances. No, just Labour. [Note:  ‘media’ is short-hand for that section that attempts to short-cut thinking – not all journalists and media outlets are culprits).

So Mr. Gilmore’s in the job only a wet day and Sean O’Rourke starts in – will Labour go into an alliance at the next election, will Labour rule out alliances and deals and pacts. Mr. Gilmore made it clear even before he became Labour leader: ‘There will be no alliances’ and a number of other clear and concise variations on that theme.

Still, the Irish Times ran the following headline: ‘Labour leaves open option of future election pact.’ He didn’t but that shouldn’t get in the way of the media’s determination that he did.  Of course, the Examiner did report Mr. Gilmore correctly: 

‘Mr Gilmore also firmed up his stance on electoral pacts, ruling out any formal accord with Fine Gael or others.’

Or take ‘trade union links’. Willie Penrose TD made a stir venting his frustration at the lack of support coming from trade unionists. Of course, this is nothing new. Trade unionists – like the working class, like the middle class, like the young, like women, like farmers, like the retired – have never voted Labour in great numbers. The overwhelming number of all these people (called the electorate) historically vote Fianna Fail. Of course, the intrepid journalists covering the event worked this mole-hill into the ground and missed, if not mountains, then at least hillier terrain.

Mr. Penrose demanded that trade unions:

‘ . . . forget about being palsy walsy with Bertie Ahern, forget about the china, about Farmleigh and Merrion Square.’

Wouldn’t it have been more provocative to ask: is Labour suggesting that trade unions shouldn’t enter negotiation for a successor deal to Towards 2016? Is Labour proposing that trade unions should abandon social partnership? These are as logical follow-ups as the suggestion that Mr. Penrose was proposing a break with trade unions.

Or why didn’t the journalists put this into a larger context? Like the fact that Mr. Penrose stated:

‘We’re asking for the trade unions to come back to their natural home.’

That doesn’t sound like Labour is ready to loosen trade union ties. Or the fact that a motion calling for the party to ditch ‘democratic socialism’ for ‘social democracy’ – which was seen by delegates as a Trojan horse for all manner of transformations, including disaffiliation – was roundly defeated.

Or the fact that the motion to establish a Commission for the Party to consider future policy, organisational reform and political strategy was proposed by the National Executive Council and seconded by UNITE-ATGWU (in fact, the union withdrew its almost identical motion). Or that a lunchtime fringe meeting at the Conference addressed by Tommy Broughan, TD and Michael O’Reilly, Regional Secretary of UNITE-ATGWU, on the subject of a Labour-led electoral strategy, drew a standing room only audience. So much for kicking trade unions out of the Party.

The Irish Independent was up its own tricks. Emmet Stagg TD moved a courageous and thoughtful motion on the legalisation of cannabis, providing an insightful analysis of how continued criminalisation only facilitates drug gangs. Clearly, an informed debate on our drug laws and anti-drug strategies is long overdue (especially as, if there is a ‘war on drugs’, we lost it a long time ago). The Indo, however, didn’t bother covering this argument or use it as a pretext to explore the issues. Instead, it sought out a spokesperson for an anti-drugs group to denounce the debate as part of an attempt to smear Labour as ‘soft on drugs’. It was typical of journalism that seeks to infantilise political debate.

The media is not out to ‘get Labour’. To be fair, so much of the media are determined to run down political debate at every opportunity. So Mr. Gilmore will just have to get used to it: he will have to get used to Stephen Collins calling him ‘self-indulgent’ because he dares describe his politics. He will have to get used to newspapers saying his speech was still trying to find a policy direction, and then in the same pages claiming his speech listed policies to such an extent that the Commission will be mere window-dressing.

Of course, that doesn’t mean Labour shouldn’t draw lessons from this experience. Take the ‘will you or won’t you’ argument on political alliances. Until Labour arrives at a truly independent position, until it decides to lead an alternative to the desultory two-dish buffet that serves up only a Fianna Fail or Fine Gael-led government to the electorate, until it realises that it has a better and more exciting future than just getting a few more vote and seats and hope for the best, it will be dogged by the question of ‘who will you support’.

And if Mr. Gilmore’s speech emphasised values and principles rather than specific policy details, that doesn’t mean that any member, never mind Mr. Gilmore, underestimates the considerable task ahead, in particular creating a credible socialist (sorry Mr. Collins) economic policy. There was little by way of debate at the Conference concerning this important area, little concrete about the direction such a policy should take (apart from an unfortunate NEC motion on business regulation). Until Labour enters the ‘economic debate’ it will not be taken seriously.

And then there’s the considerable organisational problems that must be addressed, given there are whole swathes of the country where there is little if any Labour Party presence; there’s the need to make the trade union link work to the mutual benefit of both the party and the affiliated unions; there are local and European elections coming up soon – the tasks ahead will require a far-sighted and creative stewardship.

What is crucial is that Labour doesn’t allow its agenda to be driven by outside and, in many cases, hostile forces. This will entail considerable risks, however. For that same media, so determined to present Labour in its own denuded image, may well become agitated if the party goes down an authentic independent path – of how Labour is getting uppity, how Labour has the gall to think that it can be treated equally with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, how Labour dare conduct an own open and honest dialogue with the electorate over the economy.

This may make some Labour members nervous but it shouldn’t. Reading the coverage of the Labour Party conference, you might as well be attacked for being socialists. And if that’s self-indulgent, then colour me red.

6 responses to “Would You Want His Job?”

  1. Frank Little Avatar

    Was reading the Little Red Songbook recently and this bit the concluding paragraph reminds me of that old labour song with the refrain, “Ya ain’t been doing nothing if you ain’t been called a Red.”
    If the likes of the Indo and Stephen Collins (Whose position as Political Editor for the country’s paper of record is in itself an indictment of Irish political journalism) aren’t attacking you, frankly, you’re doing something wrong.
    Or is that self-indulgent? I don’t earn as much as Stephen so I’m not as familiar with the concept.

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  2. Aidan OSullivan Avatar
    Aidan OSullivan

    People in glass houses shouldnt throw stones!
    The Irish people may not understand the difference between socialism and social democracy, many of the media may not, and yes it seems most of the Labour Party do not even know.
    But do you also?
    The Labour Party needs a new intellectual framework. One that delivers its values. One that builds a win-win relationship with the unions. One the actually works. The Irish people cant not wait for the international socialist revolution.
    Give me five socialist states as an example? Because I can point to five social democratic states which actually deliver socialist values.
    Dont let the heart rule the head.

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  3. Tomaltach Avatar

    Part of the trouble is the superficial success of the liberal, privatized, free market system. Success in that people have more choice in the consumer goods they can buy. “I have the freedom to buy an ipod or a widescreen tv, but not the freedom to chose world class cancer care for my mother”.
    The role of government is reduced to achieving more growth, which is another way of saying more profit for rich owners. Social goals are downgraded or abandoned. The very word ‘social’ in America, if applied to a project is enough to spell its doom.
    The thing is, in a kind of way growth for its own sake has brought improvements, in a kind of haphazard way. But very haphazard, very limited. People feel they’ve made progress but something is missing.
    The kind of society (consumerist, individual-focused, money driven, fragmented) which has been brought about by the current orthodoxy is being questioned in many specialised fields – from welfare economics to sociology to philosophy. The very notion of growth as an end in itself is now very much undermined (from writers such as Galbraith, Hirsch, to more recently Judt). The challenge is to synthesize the critques of various fields into a coherent political message.
    The right has been brilliantly successful in manufacturing a negative consensus about the state, despite a need for the state to shield the weaker against the overwhelming foces of global capitalism.
    The job for the left now is to distill a persuasive counter argument which can restart the engine of progressive politics, which clearly has ground to a halt or slumped into a slow reverse.

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  4. Michael Avatar

    Thanks Aidan for your comment. Personally, I am rather sanguine about terms like ‘social democracy’ and ‘democratic socialism’ and in one sense I don’t under all the fuss – at least at an intellectual level. Were you to ask the average German SPD member are they a ‘social democrat’ or ‘democratic socialist’ they’d give you a strange look. Probably because the SPD itself was founded by, among many, Marxists. Here’s a quote from their new programme:
    ‘We can only improve conditions by common action for the good of all. We agree on the goal of enabling life in freedom for all without exploitation, free of violence and oppression. In the awareness that striving for a society in line with our core values is a permanent task,we subscribe to the idea of democratic socialism that characterizes our history. It is neither dogma nor does it describe a final situation – it is the vision of a free and fair society in solidarity, for whose realization we are still fighting. Working for this aim and the principle for our action is Social Democracy. After all, nothing comes by itself and every age needs its own answers.’
    To my mind, socialism is the ideological content of the political framework of social democracy. So intertiwned are they that to set up one against the other only results in unnecessary confusion. I’ve had this problem talking with Labour members. When I’ve spoken of social democracy some of them tackle me – ‘You mean, you’re not a socialist?’ I reply, ‘Of course I’m a socialist. I’m a social democrat, how could I be otherwise.’ Then there’s a long curious discussion and then, frankly, I get bored.
    So, for me, I’m a democratic socialist in the great tradition of European social democracy (or a social democrat pursuing democratic socialist policies).
    If you haven’t already, you might be interested in reading the SPD’s recently adopted ‘Bremmen Draft’ of their new manifesto. It’s called ‘Social Democracy in the 21st Century’. It’s a positive socialist document.

    Click to access 012007_Bremen_Draft.pdf

    Tomaltach – couldn’t agree more. One thing you might be able to help me out. Maybe its the traditionalist in me, but I have problems with the idea of ‘growth for growth’s sake’ argument. I fully appreciate both deterioration of environment, living standards, etc. (that’s what a lot of ‘happiness economics’ is about). But I’ve yet to come across a thoroughly empirical argument – complete with specific policies and a new way of measuring redefined notions of growth. I’d appreciate it if you come across any, to let me know. In the meantime, I hope to do a post on ‘happiness’ economics. I think it’s a fruitful area for the Left to explore.
    Frank Little – you’re just going to have to put away that songbook and start bashing the Left and all that historical American trade unionism stuff. Then the dosh will come flowing in. We can all aspire to live in the world of INDO.

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  5. Tomaltach Avatar

    Michael,
    Unfortunately I haven’t come across new ways of measuring growth that are, let’s say, broader or more inclusive. The only example I can think of where the concept of growth was extended mathematically was where it was where current costs of future environmental degredation were built into it. I’m thinking of the Stern report on climate where he calculated the present worth of future climate change costs. This is just one narrow example.
    My own idea is that for the time being we use growth as currently defined but that we set other targets equally rigourously and that we prioritise. And that we would be prepared to sacrifice a certain portion of growth for some of the other (social, environmental) targets.
    I am not arguing that growth in and of itself is a bad thing. It is easy to imagine two countries with the same GDP and the same growth rate in GDP. Yet after 10 years the achievements of one is very different to the other – because of the nature of their value system, their institutions, their power structures, and so on.
    I stress the (social and environmental) values here. Because when people criticise growth itself, they are often missing the real target – a criticism of the power structures in society, inequality, individualism, consumerism, and so on. Growth itself doesn’t lie at the root of these other phenomena. There was huge growth between WWII and 1973 in Europe for example. But the hyper-individualisation, insecurity, inequality, and so on became more rampant in the 80s and 90s.
    Growth need not even entail using greater resources. We could imagine for example developing smarter technology which allows us to build smaller computers which need less material to built and less energy to run.
    What I’m getting at is that growth isn’t really the problem. What we need to do is take the focus off growth. We need to focus on other goals.
    Our politicians always sum up their time in office by saying “our economy is growing at x%, we created y jobs, and exported z”. We need them to be saying “we created a world class health service and made major inroads to inequality – oh and by the way, our economy grew as well”.
    I cannot find any easy way of escaping the argument that we need (some) growth in order to achieve the goals we have in mind. But it’s a shift in how we set about it. We need to go from the mentality of “we aim for growth OR agressive social progress” to “we aim for agressive social progress AND growth”.

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  6. Chris Bond Avatar

    Michael is right about the relationship between Socialism and Social Democracy.
    Both the far left and the Centre-Left make a mistake in assuming that Socialism and Social Democracy are two divergent and conflicting ideologies. The relationship between the two is symbiotic, we need to build a Social Democratic economic system to Steer the future in the direction of Socialism, but we also need Democratic Socialism’s values; its analysis of corporate power, consumer values and systems of oppression to build that Social Democracy.

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Commentary on Irish Political Economy by Michael Taft, researcher for SIPTU